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Chris Patten: Turkey and the Future of Europe 土耳其与欧洲的未来

2011年4月19日 来自小组:英语人

Chris Patten:  Turkey and the Future of Europe  土耳其与欧洲的未来

Chris Patten, the last British Governor of Hong Kong and a former EU Commissioner for External Affairs, is Chancellor of the University of Oxford.

作者Chris Patten 彭定康 是英国最后一任香港总督,曾任欧盟外交委员会专员,现为牛津大学名誉校长。

2011-03-31

Turkey and the Future of Europe

Chris Patten

LONDON – This is my last column for a while. I am off to become Chairman of the BBC Trust – the strategic authority of one of the greatest broadcasting organizations in the world. So I have to take a Sicilian vow of omerta on controversial issues for the term of my chairmanship. That makes for boring commentary: better to put down my pen.

It’s in my hand on this occasion as I look out over the Bosphorus on a glittering March morning. Yesterday, there were flurries of snow in Istanbul. But today the sun glints across the water to the Asian coastline of the city; the seagulls bank in the breeze; a great liner sails majestically north towards the Black Sea. It’s a “good-to-be-alive” sort of day.

But I always feel like that in Istanbul, a great city where so much world history has been forged. And it’s the city where Europe’s future may be shaped – Istanbul, not Brussels, Paris, or Berlin. Let me explain.

Europe’s current political identity emerged from its recent history. In the nineteenth century, the Continent’s share of the world’s population increased from one-fifth to one-quarter. That helped European countries dominate the century as expansionist colonial powers. But it also created competitive pressures for living space, with much of the struggle crystalizing in the antagonism between France and an emerging Germany.

The result was three wars in 70 years. You can see the consequences in the sprawling cemeteries of northern and eastern France and the borderlands of central Europe. And we dragged others into our struggles. Look at all the Indian names carved on the memorial arches in Picardy. I recall the war memorial in a tiny village north of Queenstown in the heart of “Lord of the Rings” country on the South Island of New Zealand. Thousands of miles from the bloody fields of France, 26 young New Zealanders who died there are remembered on a granite cross.

So, in the days when Europe worshipped Mars, the God of War, the rest of the world was often drawn into our continental battles. We Europeans were dangerous to each other, and it was often even more dangerous to be one of our friends.

The creation of the European Union was how we Europeans tried to prevent another war. France and Germany were joined at the hip – economic cooperation was meant to lead to closer political union. Around this historic compromise other countries circled, including those, like the United Kingdom, that were originally skeptical of the entire enterprise. We were already all drawn toward it, and our peace and prosperity were consolidated.

It worked far better than the doubters ever imagined was possible – indeed, perhaps even better than its progenitors expected. A vast single market was created. Sovereignty was shared and transformed in areas like trade and the environment. A union with 7% of the world’s population produced 22% of its output, a larger share than the United States, almost twice that of China, and 4-5 times that of India.

The European economic giant aspired to a global political role, but here reality swept in. The Mars of the twentieth century is a lot less sure of itself in the twenty-first. Until the United Nations-backed Libyan intervention, Europe seemed increasingly a bystander in international affairs, and even its participation in Libya is largely a Franco-British affair, with Germany opting out and choosing a quiet life.

So what is the point of Europe today? Tell my children that the EU is there to prevent us from fighting one another again, and their reply is blunt: “Of course we are not going to fight.” Europe’s moral purpose today is an existential question that all Europeans must consider.

For me the answer is to be found in Turkey. Europe with Turkey as a member would naturally be a more dynamic economy. Turkey is a regional energy hub. It has clout and respect in its own region with formidable fighting forces. And, above all, Turkey is now a role model for other Islamic societies striving to accommodate democracy, civil liberties, the rule of law, an open economy, pluralism, and religion.

As an EU member, Turkey would add a new dimension of massive historic importance. Europeans would show that we could embrace an Islamic democracy and build a strong bridge between Europe and Western Asia.

That, in turn, would create a new European identity and narrative, a new reason for the EU to exist in this century, a way of rejecting the divisive politics of old. I hope that by the time I take up my pen again, we will be on our way to this destination. If not, then many of us will find it increasingly difficult to see Europe as anything more than a glorified customs union with political ambitions that are far too big for its boots.

Copyright: Project Syndicate, 2011.




2011-04-14

土耳其与欧洲的未来

[彭定康]


  在这篇专栏文章后,我将有一段时间内不会动笔了。我即将出任英国广播公司托委会(BBC Trust)主席一职——世界上最伟大广播电台之一的策略管理机构。我必须宣誓,在担任主席期间不对有争议性的问题发表自己的意见。因此,我只能暂时停笔了。

  在一个阳光明媚的三月早晨,我遥望眼前的博斯普鲁斯海峡(Bosphorus)。昨天,伊斯坦布尔还飘散着雪花。但今天,这个城市的亚洲海岸线在阳光照耀下是波光粼粼;海鸥在微风中飞翔;一艘巨大的客轮缓缓地向着北面的黑海驶去。此时此刻,不禁让人感到“活着真好”。

  在伊斯坦布尔这个充满世界历史的伟大城市,我总是有这种感觉。欧洲的未来可能要取决于伊斯坦布尔,而不是布鲁塞尔、巴黎或者柏林。

欧洲的分分合合

  欧洲当前的政治认同源于其近代历史。在19世纪,欧洲大陆的人口从占世界的五分之一增加到四分之一。人口增长使欧洲国家成为扩张殖民地的强国,主导了这个世纪。但它也导致了争夺生活空间的压力,而对抗主要出现在法国与新兴的德国之间。

  其结果是在70年内爆发了三次战争。你可以从法国北部和东部,还有中欧各国边境地区随处可见的公墓,看到这些战争的后果。而且,我们也把别人拖入我们的斗争中。在皮卡第(Picardy)的阵亡者纪念碑上刻满了印度人的名字。我还记得位于新西兰南岛,皇后镇以北的一个小村落里的战争纪念碑。在离法国血腥战场数千英里外的一个花岗岩的十字架上,刻着在那里丧命的26个新西兰年轻人的名字。

  就这样,在欧洲人崇拜战神马尔斯(Mars)的那个年代,世界其他地方往往被卷入欧洲大陆的战争中。我们欧洲人对彼此来说是危险的,而且往往若是朋友就越是危险。

  欧洲人建立欧盟是为了防止爆发另一场战争。法国与德国被设计成不可分割的一体——经济合作的目的是要造成更密切的政治联盟。随着法德达成了历史性的妥协,其他国家(包括像英国这样原先对整个合作持怀疑态度的国家)便以法德合作为核心结成联盟。欧洲国家全被这个联盟吸引,而欧洲的和平与繁荣也得到巩固。

  欧盟的成效是持怀疑态度者认为不可能的。事实上,它的效果甚至比创始者们预期的更好。它制造了一个巨大的单一市场。主权共享在诸如环境和贸易等领域发挥了重大影响。一个占世界人口7%的联盟,创造了占世界22%的产值。这个比率超越美国,几乎是中国的两倍和印度的4-5倍。

  这个欧洲经济巨人渴望扮演全球性的政治作用,但却不得不向现实低头。二十世纪耀眼的战神在21世纪却失去了自信。欧洲似乎日渐成为一个国际事务的旁观者,直到开始了得到联合国支持的干预利比亚的行动。但欧洲对利比亚的干预,主要是法英两国的事情,德国选择了不参与。

土耳其将为欧洲注入新活力

  那么,今日欧洲存在的意义何在呢?我对我的孩子说,欧盟的存在是为了防止欧洲国家之间再次发生战争,他们的回答是直言不讳的:“我们当然不会再打仗了”。欧洲现今的道德目标是一个所有欧洲人都必须考虑的生存问题。

  对我来说,答案可以在土耳其找到。土耳其成为欧盟的一个成员国自然会使欧盟的经济更具活力。土耳其是个区域能源枢纽。它拥有强大的武装部队,在所处地区具有影响力,也得到尊敬。更重要的是,土耳其现在是其他努力容纳民主、公民自由、法治、开放型经济、多元化及宗教的伊斯兰社会的榜样。

  作为欧盟成员国,土耳其将为欧洲深厚的历史又添加新的特色。欧洲人也可借此显示,我们可以接受一个伊斯兰民主国家,并在欧洲与西亚之间建立一座坚固的桥梁。

  这将进一步为欧盟制造一个新的认同感、为欧盟在本世纪的存在找到新的理由、及显示对导致分裂的旧政治的拒绝。我希望在我又开始执笔时,我们正朝这一目标前进。要不然,对许多人来说,除了是个贴着金字招牌的海关同盟,和在政治上雄心勃勃但却有心有余而力不足的组织,我们将越来越难看到欧盟会有什么前景。


版权所有: Project Syndicate,2011.

  • 中国电科集团公司第16研究所经营管理(规划发展)部,#memberName($post.m)

    very interesting!

    2011年4月23日